History did not begin with the Qassams
Amira Hass
Here, below, is a very good article from today’s Haaretz Two things that I want to pick up from this. First, such an article expressing these kinds of views or showing this kind of integrity of analysis could not be published in Hamas-controlled Gaza or any other Middle Eastern state. The journalist would be disappeared, imprisoned or otherwise punished and prevented from writing. The publisher would be closed and otherwise punished. Freedom of expression, Article 19, etc is fundamental to the very possibility of democratic socialism. Second, Israel, the state in which Haartez is published, is prosecuting (again) a brutal war against Palestinians. Israel, as we know, is one of the most highly militarised societies in the world …. my questions are these : what is the relationship between a relatively free press and the tendency to prosecute demonstrably brutal wars ? what is the relationship between politically deeply repressive states (eg Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia) and their sheer inability and unwillingness to provide meaningful solidarity to the Palestinians ? is opposition to the war more likely to be built effectively in and with a country with a relatively free press or is opposition to the war more likely to be built effectively in and with a deeply repressive country ?
[This comment was written in January 2009. I think that my questions are pertinent still in the light of the so-called ‘Arab spring’, the imperial interventions in Libya, the indeterminate situation in Syria, the UN statehood claims of Palestine, and the deterioration of Turkey-Israel relations].
History did not begin with the Qassams
By Amira HassWed., January 14, 2009 Tevet 18, 5769
“History did not begin with the Qassam rockets. But for us, the Israelis, history always begins when the Palestinians hurt us, and then the pain is completely decontextualized. We think that if we cause the Palestinians much greater pain, they will finally learn their lesson. Some term this “achievement.”
Nevertheless, the “lesson” remains abstract for most Israelis. The Israeli media prescribes a strict low-information, low-truth diet for its consumers, one rich in generals and their ilk. It is modest, and does not boast of our achievements: the slain children and the bodies rotting under the ruins, the wounded who bleed to death because our soldiers shoot at the ambulance crews, the little girls whose legs were amputated due to horrible wounds caused by various types of weaponry, the devastated fathers shedding bitter tears, the residential neighborhoods that have been obliterated, the terrible burns caused by white phosphorus, and the mini-transfer – the tens of thousands of people who have been expelled from their homes, and are still being expelled at this very minute, ordered to cram into a built-up area that is constantly growing smaller and is also under sentence of incessant bombing and shelling.
Ever since the Palestinian Authority was established, the Israeli public relations machinery has exaggerated the danger of the military threat that the Palestinians pose to us. When they moved from stones to rifles and from Molotov cocktails to suicide bombings, from roadside bombs to Qassams and from Qassams to Grads, and from the PLO to Hamas, we said with a whoop of victory, “We told you. They’re anti-Semites.” And therefore, we have the right to go on a rampage.
What enabled Israel’s military rampage – the proper words to describe it cannot be found in my dictionary – was the step-by-step isolation of the Gaza Strip. The isolation turned Gaza’s residents into abstract objects, with no names and addresses, except the addresses of the armed men, and no history, aside from the dates determined by the Shin Bet security service.
The siege of Gaza did not begin when Hamas seized control of the Strip’s security organs, or when Gilad Shalit was taken captive, or when Hamas was elected in democratic elections. The siege began in 1991 – before the suicide bombings. And since then, it has only become more sophisticated, reaching its peak in 2005.
The Israeli public relations machinery happily presented the disengagement as the end of the occupation, in brazen disregard of the facts. The isolation and closure were presented as military necessities. But we are big boys and girls, and we know that “military necessities” and consistent lies serve state goals. Israel’s goal was to thwart the two-state solution, which the world had expected to materialize once the Cold War ended in 1990. This was not a perfect solution, but the Palestinians were ready for it then.
Gaza is not a military power that attacked its tiny, peace-loving neighbor, Israel. Gaza is a territory that Israel occupied in 1967, along with the West Bank. Its residents are part of the Palestinian people, which lost its land and its homeland in 1948.
In 1993, Israel had a one-time golden opportunity to prove to the world that what people say about us is untrue – that it is not by nature a colonialist state. That the expulsion of a nation from its land, the expulsion of people from their houses and the robbery of Palestinian land for the sake of settling Jews are not the basis and essence of its existence.
In the 1990s, Israel had a chance to prove that 1948 is not its paradigm. But it missed this opportunity. Instead, it merely perfected its techniques for robbing land and expelling people from their houses, and forced the Palestinians into isolated enclaves. And now, during these dark days, Israel is proving that 1948 never ended.”
Morfoubey 